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VonMudra

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So as some of you know, I write a lot of papers. Being a history major, that's basically my life in college, moving from one paper to the next. I figure I might as well post some of the more interesting ones on here, for anyone who is interested in history writings. I'll post one or two at a time, most are rather long. I guess I'll start with the paper I submitted for my application to the team(at least, if I recall correct, it was this one, might have been another I xD):

[FONT=&quot]The Effect of Propaganda on the Tactical Capability of the British Expeditionary Force, 1900-1918[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The outbreak of World War 1 started the first major war on the European Continent since the times of Napoleon. It was marked with incredible advances in weaponry, tactics, and carnage on scales previously thought unimaginable. However, there was a new technology that had been little used before the war, which truly came into its own: propaganda. While usually believed to have had minor effect on the course of what is thought of as a completely static frontline (in which little was gained or lost) a revolution in historical thinking and research has broken new ground on the history of World War 1. The effect that the propaganda on the part of the Allies had on their conduct of the war, and their general tactical inferiority to their German opposition played a pivotal role in the military tactics. The British War Ministry and General Staff were implicit in this propaganda in which, in the words of Minister of War and Prime Minister Lloyd George: “Victories were much overstated. Virtual defeats were represented as victories, however limited their scope. Our casualties were understated. Enemy losses became pyramidal. That was the way the military authorities presented the situation to the Ministers – that was their active propaganda in the Press.”[FONT=&quot][/FONT] As Lloyd George so plainly lays out in word, the British General Staff, and war ministry, were actively involved in lying to the public at large, using the small, little moving front to their advantage, being able to easily cut off and censor any facts coming out from the trenches. In the end however, propaganda meant to keep the public and the government placated, would eventually backfire, as they began to fall into the classic trap of “belief in one’s own lies.” Defeats that became victories soon were considered actual victories. Enemy losses went from conjecture to indisputable fact. And as the generals continued to drift from the reality of the war, their men were thrown into combat under very different terms, and with little knowledge of the truth. The British Expeditionary Force’s (hereafter referred to as the BEF) fate was sealed from the moment the first censorship began in August 1914.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot] Prior to the outbreak of World War 1, the British Army was probably the most active, and combat experienced army on the European Continent. Involved in almost constant warfare in Africa and India against native tribes and empire, the British had used the wars as testing grounds for various new tactics and weapons, notably machine guns and bolt action rifles. Against the usually poorly equipped and trained native tribes, the British, with few setbacks, tended to butcher the populations, and subject them to British rule with ease. These victories installed a sense of the invincibility of the British Empire and her army, which, in reality, had little basis in fact. It had been 50 years since Britain had fought a ground war against a trained European army, the Russian, and while it had defeated the Russians in the Crimean war, it had done so at incredible loss and with vast amounts of aid in the form of manpower from its French, Turkish, and Sardinian allies. However, despite all common sense, the British continued a sense of superiority at arms over the rest of Europe; confident that its victories in Africa and elsewhere would be just as easy to replicate against the armies of Europe, namely, the German and Austrian militaries. However, one war quickly showed what would happen if the British continued on this route. The Boer War, fought in the 1890s by the British military in South Africa against the Afrikaners, descendents of the original Dutch colonialists, exposed searing fault lines in British tactical doctrine. Despite British numerical superiority, the Boers would inflict defeat after defeat on the British troops, who attempted to fight in the neat lines of the days of the muzzle loading rifle, and in their red jackets, designed for the parade grounds of Canterbury, not the summer sun of Africa. The British took their time to finally adapt to the changing conditions of combat, giving up the neat line formations and red wool jackets for skirmish lines and khaki cotton uniforms, thereby trading pride for combat effectiveness. While ending in British victory, the Boer War would be a glimmer of insight into what would soon take place in Europe, and showed the slow speed at which the British army could deal with change.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot] This aura of invincibility would become incredibly critical to pre-war British strategic thought. In a war between France and Germany, it was assumed that the BEF, the force delegated to be sent to the continent, and made up of many of Britain’s most elite units, would be the deciding factor. It was felt that the small, but highly trained and motivated group would be the strike force the allies needed to crush any German offensive and turn it back into Germany, taking the war to the German people. However, these arguments were faulty. The British high command had once again failed to catch up to the times since the Boer war. Smokeless powder had become common place, and the advent of the long-recoil mechanism by the French had turned artillery from a supporting weapon to the main killer in warfare, as had been proven in the two Balkan wars.[FONT=&quot][ii][/FONT] As super-heavy artillery had now become a possibility, forts which had originally been constructed to resist bombardment by light artillery or howitzers were now obsolete. The Belgian forts in Liege and Namur were now sitting ducks for the German artillery, which would stand back, out of range, and hammer them into submission.[FONT=&quot][iii][/FONT] However, this was another development that the British had patently missed. Instead of developing the howitzers and super heavy artillery that would be required in modern combat like the Germans had, the British continued to believe that their artillery would simply be a support for maneuvering infantry formations, and duly developed weapons accordingly. The British 18lber was designed as a field gun, with almost no capability for high angle fire, and armed almost completely with shrapnel shells, perfect for the field maneuvers of the late 1800s, but useless for the coming trench warfare.[FONT=&quot][iv][/FONT] The British, operating in their mythology of invincibility, still had no excuse, as trench combat had been a part of warfare since the Crimean and US Civil War, and had come into its own during the Russo-Japanese War, and the Balkan Wars. Instead, the British army with its idea of superiority, simply ignored these events, and put their faith in the old ideas and tactics, with predictable results. When German infantry were streaming through the silent Belgian forts, and their artillery was wreaking havoc on British soldiers from across the horizon, the British simply were at a loss to explain what was going on, much less counter the devastating effects.[FONT=&quot][v][/FONT] It was this characteristic of the British military that led to the rise of propaganda tactics later in WW1.[/FONT]


 
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VonMudra

Well-known member
[FONT=&quot]When the BEF was thrown into its first battle at Mons, the outcome was clear. “Wartime propagandists claimed the Germans had 25,000 men killed or wounded in the assault on Fort Barchon alone, and tales circulated…about human wave attacks…driven on by sadistic officers. So when the French and British who first encountered the Germans were completely unprepared for what hit them - not waves of men, but waves of howitzer shells…. Instead of a demoralized enemy who had been massacred, the Allies encountered well armed and well led soldiers who were under the impression they were victorious.”[FONT=&quot][vi][/FONT] The BEF lost not due to any lack of training, or cowardice on the part of the soldiers. They lost because it was an army trying to fight with outdated tactics, and with an incorrect view of the enemy which had been reinforced by propaganda. By the end of 1914, the BEF had basically ceased to exist as a combat force. Licking their wounds from the Battles of the Frontiers in Belgium and France, the BEF had sustained fully 100,000 men killed, wounded, or missing in the course of the first months of the war - over half their combat strength. In addition, with the majority of those killed being the frontline combat troops, this meant that the BEF had effectively been destroyed as a force. It would end up sitting beyond the Seine, licking its wounds while the French were almost destroyed in the Battle of the Marne (in of itself a victory which is much debated as to if it ever even happened). In the end though, one fact is assured: in the end of September 1914, the German army broke off and fell back to defensible ground on the heights of northern France. This was done not so much for any defeats, but due to the need of men to be sent east to deal with the growing Russian threats in Prussia. Instead of pressing forward with fewer and fewer troops, the Germans had decided to instead create a holding action in the west, and duly took up the best ground possible. This tactical change would set the mood for the rest of the war, and would duly set up the BEF for its greatest losses, and its greatest propaganda.[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot] Throughout the remainder of World War 1, the history of the BEF was remarkably simple. It would build up to what was felt to be overwhelming strength, pick a point in its lines, and attempt to puncture through the German defenses. Beyond that, it was not clear what would happen. The general thinking that if it did happen, the German line would simply dissolve, and the war would be won. Unfortunately for the British, their propaganda worked against them at every turn. In Champagne, Ypres, the Somme, Cambrai, and Passchendale, the public heard of grand victories - of piles of Germans bodies being piled on high by the victorious British soldiers. This was, however, simply not the case. In fact, right up to the first days on the Somme, in 1916, the accepted British tactical doctrine was thus, “The infantry would climb out of the trenches and advance across to the other side in a series of long continuous rows, each rifleman carrying with him 20 kilograms of supplies.”[FONT=&quot][vii][/FONT] This was a recipe for disaster, and it played out as such. On the first day of the Somme, over 56,000 British soldiers were casualties, with almost no ground taken to make up for it. By the end of the battle, 426,000 British lay dead, wounded, or captured, as well as another 200,000 French, for a tiny s**** of useless marshland. This was now the point when the British propagandists truly began to work their magic. German casualties became, to quote Lloyd George once more, “pyramidal.”[FONT=&quot][viii][/FONT] Figures in upwards of 760,000 German killed and wounded were circulating, anything to explain the massive carnage in a good light. The idea of the war of attrition was in full swing, as this was used as proof that the British had given as good as they got, and better. However, once again, the facts of the matter ring true, as one delves into the German Medical Service records. The total German losses for the entirety of the western front during the months of the Somme were only 120,000.[FONT=&quot][ix][/FONT] Yet, it was too late to address the issue. The war ministry had already decided the facts, and they would be the facts that the British generals would use to plan the next attacks.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The next major British offensive of the war would not take place until 1917, with the Battle of Cambrai. It would also be the first major allied offensive to use tanks en masse (the first usage being in the closing days of the Somme (which was a resounding failure, with numerous breakdowns, and many destroyed in combat by Germans who quickly overcame the initial fear). However, the ground was poorly chosen, and the German intelligence agency, which preformed wonderfully in the war, knew of the attack months before it actually began - enough time to build strong fall back positions. The ground, meanwhile, was an area between two French canal rivers, which bottlenecked any troops moving in the area to a small rectangle of land, with the German rear line positions acting as the cap. The British initially met with little resistance, plunging through the German defenses with few shots fired. Meanwhile, the tanks fared poorly once again, with over half of them never reaching the German lines on the first day, and half of the remainder being destroyed by the end of the next day by trained German anti-tank infantry. Predictably, victory was declared straight away. Church bells chimed all over Britain, and victory was, supposedly, at hand. Yet, this was not to be. Instead of having torn through the German lines, the Germans had simply fallen back to their rear lines, taking a large toll on the British infantry with artillery, and destroying any effectiveness the tank force could have had. At the end of the bottle, the German defense strengthened, and stopped the British attack. Still, victory was declared, and the propagandists moved into the field, estimating hundreds of thousands of German dead - with light British casualties. It was at this point that the British public would stop hearing about the word Cambrai, but still the battle was not over. Covered up by the British war cabinet and general staff, the Germans counter attacked, and cut the BEF forces in the canals off from their main lines. They then set about a veritable butcher shop that few British soldiers would survive, as German infiltration teams picked their way through the rubble, fighting not with the rifle and bayonet, but with the hand grenade and the submachine gun, the tools of modern warfare that the British Army, with its propaganda machine exulting the point of the bayonet, had once again ignored before it was too late. However, according to the British propaganda, this defeat never happened. The moment land was gained, in the words of Lloyd George, “Virtual defeats were represented as victories, however limited their scope.”[FONT=&quot][x][/FONT] As far as the British public knew or cared, Cambrai was a victory. The final British offensive of 1917 took place at the small, unimportant town of Passchendale. This would be the one point at which British propaganda failed, as news of the disaster found its way home through the countless letters from the soldiers, and the even more numerous dead via the messages and telegrams sent to loved ones. Passchendale failed almost before the offensive got off the ground, and signaled the death of the BEF for the 3rd time in the war as an offensive force. In 1917, the BEF suffered 300,000 killed, while the Germans lost only 120,000, as engaged in the entire western front.[FONT=&quot][xi][/FONT], [FONT=&quot][xii][/FONT] The miracle tanks, which were so vaunted by British propaganda, and expected to be the great equalizer, had begun 378 strong. By the end of the first week of Cambrai, only 60 remained.[FONT=&quot][xiii][/FONT][/FONT]
 
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VonMudra

Well-known member
[FONT=&quot]By 1918, the BEF was far from the force that had arrived in France in 1914. Only one in 10 of the soldiers had survived since those grim days, the rest of the raw recruits butchered in the offensives of the Somme, Cambrai, and Passchendale. In March 1918, when the final German offensives began, the BEF essentially melted away. Within a week, Haig, the commander of the BEF, was debating leaving France altogether, as German offensives tore their way through the British and French armies, until they could see the spires of Paris. However, German victory was not to be. The American Expeditionary Force, fresh, and in high morale, fed on a steady diet of British and French propaganda, had arrived in Europe in force, at its height, 2,000,000 strong. The Germans, who had shot their last clip in the desperate summer attacks, could not take on another army, and began a retreat that would not end until the last day of the war. The BEF credited itself with the victory however, claiming to have “broken the Hindenburg line.” The war had been won, just as the propaganda had said it would be, despite minor setbacks. And thus World War 1 passed into the memory of the people as a great victory at high cost, not the embarrassment to its armed forces that it was. Their inability to grasp the tactics of modern warfare was paid for dearly in the blood of England’s sons, and would lead to the defeat in 1940 when, still stern in the belief that they had easily won the Great War, the BEF was destroyed by a German force using much the same tactics it had used in 1918. Desperate to give reason, blame first fell on the Belgians, then on the mystical “Blitzkrieg” for their loss. The propaganda machine worked its magic, and protected the myths of the first war, to explain the British defeats of the second. Thus, while the use of propaganda by the British Expeditionary Force served to maintain a fiction of military prowess, which supplied both citizenry support as well as the support of soldier morale, it cannot be viewed as a useful or even respectful tactic given the costs to the lives of the soldiers of the BEF.[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot][/FONT] David Lloyd George, War Memoirs, (London: Odhams, 1938), 2:1313.

[FONT=&quot][ii][/FONT] Emile Rimailho, Campaign Artillery, (Paris: Gautheir-Villars, 1924), 54-60.

[FONT=&quot][iii][/FONT] Barbara Tuchman, The Guns of August, (New York: Macmillan, 1962), 192.

[FONT=&quot][iv][/FONT] John Mosier, The Myth of the Great War, (New York: Harper Collins, 2001), 234.

[FONT=&quot][v][/FONT] Ibid, 62.

[FONT=&quot][vi][/FONT] Ibid, 62.

[FONT=&quot][vii][/FONT] Ibid, 234-235.

[FONT=&quot][viii][/FONT] George, 2:1313.

[FONT=&quot][ix][/FONT] Heeressanitätsinpsektion des Reichsministeriums, Sanitätsbericht über das deustche Heer im Weltkrieg 1914/1918 (Berlin, Reichsministerium, 1935), 2:646.

[FONT=&quot][x][/FONT] George, 2:1313.

[FONT=&quot][xi][/FONT] John Keegan, The First World War (New York, Knopf, 1999), 369.

[FONT=&quot][xii][/FONT] Heeressanitäsinpsektion des Reichsministeriums, 2:646.

[FONT=&quot][xiii][/FONT] Ivor Halstead The Truth About Our Tanks (London: Lindsay Drummond, 1942), 58.
 
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Sir Apple

Well-known member
Interesting read :D.

I wish I had patience to write, last paper I did was a 6 page essay that went with a speech. Ugh, torture.
 
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